The Precursors of Celtic and Germanic more

The Precursors of Celtic and Germanic Adam Hyllks ild University o/C'openhagen 1. Loanword or heritage? While Germanic has quite a few Celtic loanwords (see, e.g.. de Vries I960. Birkhan 1970, Mees 1998. Rubekeil 2002, Schumacher 2007, Stiller forthcom- ing), the share of older Germanic material in Celtic is comparatively small (Lane 1933:264. and Schumacher 2007:174-6). However, Celtic and Germanic also share lexical material exclusive to these branches that can be independently traced back to an identical reconstructed protoform. Therefore, it is often hard to determine whether a given Celto-Germanieism is inherited from PIE or borrowed from one branch to the other at a later age. Karsten (1927:126) wrote on PGmc. *arbja- vs. PCelt. *orhios 'heir' and PGmc. *aipa- vs. PCelt. *oilo- "oath': "... kan likasa vara antingen urbeslaktat med eller Ian [might just as well be inherited as borrowed] Krahe used the same lexeme as an example (1954:142): "'Die Hauptmasse des gemeinsamen nur keltisch-germanischen Wortschatzes reicht— ohne daB vom rein linguistischen Standpunkt Anhaltspunkte fur eine Entlehnung aus der einen in die andere Sprache gegeben werden konnten—bis vor die Peri- ode der Lautverschiebung zuriick (Typus got. aips—air. oeth usw)." Olsen (1988:13) writes on PGmc. *glslo- "hostage' vs. PCelt. *geistlo- 'id.': "It is not certain whether the Gmc. examples are inherited or Celtic loanwords." Casaretto (2004:318nl051) on PGmc. *ru-nd- 'secret' vs. PCelt. *ru-na- 'id.': "Ob diese Parallellitat Lehnbeziehungen oder ein gemeinsames Erbe reflektiert, ist unsi- cher." Ringe (2006:296) states: "There are also quite a few words shared only by Celtic and Germanic, which might or might not be loanwords Matasovic (2009:227) on Proto-Celtic *krumbo- 'round, curved': "Germ, krumm, OE crumb 'round' point to PGerm. *krumba-, which was borrowed either from Celtic, or from the same non-IE source as the Celtic words." Polome (1983:284) summed up the problem complex, listing four possible origins of a Celto-Germanicism: "(a) the terms represented either a common regional innovation in a marginal area of the Indo-European territory or the localized survival of an archaic term lost elsewhere throughout the Indo-European Linguistic area; (b) the terms have both been taken over from a same third source—be it a Pre-1ndo-European ("substrate") language or less well-documented Indo-European language in their Stephanie W. Jamison. 11 Craig Melchert. and Brenl Vine (eds,). 2010. Proceedings of the 21 si Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference. Bremen; Hempen 107-28. 108 Adam Hyllested vicinity; (c) the Celtic term was borrowed by Germanic; (d) the Germanic term was borrowed by Celtic.'* Lane (1933) and Listen (1934) excluded borrowing. 1. e.. possibilities (c) and (d), whenever it could not be proved directly.1 In the fol- lowing. I will use the term "Celto-Germanicisnr" for items believed to be older than the emergence of Proto-Celtic and Proto-Germanic, but shared by these two branches only, i.e., Polome's categories (a) and (b). 2. Semantic spheres Scholars already noted long ago that such Celto-Germanicisms pertain to certain semantic spheres. Thus, Lane (1933) suggested the following headings: (a) Political and legal vocabulary (b) Warfare (c) Cultural and technical vocabulary, dwelling (d) Nature, earth, land, plant and animal life (e) Motion, locomotion, transportation (f) The body and bodily functions (g) Mental and emotional activity, vocal utterance (h) Sense perception (J) Family U) Religion, superstition (k) Miscellaneous and Krahe (1954:139-41): (a) Religion und geistiges Leben (b) Pferdezucht und Reiten (c) Siedlung, Hausbau (d) Landschaft, Natur (e) Metalle (f) Sonstiges Elston (1934) and Campanile (1970) had still other divisions. On one hand, it is interesting to observe how an overrepresentation of shared vocabulary in certain semantic fields hints at the character of the relationship in question. On the other hand, it seems as if Lane's and Krahe's lists cover most parts of the lexicon. If the lexical commonalities could be combined with shared innovations and archa- I Schmidt (1984. 1986. 1987. 1991) proposed a five-strate model: stratum 1. whose Celtic origin is proved by their form: stratum 2. Celto-Germanic isoglosses with the same semantic shift: stratum 3. Celto-Germanic isoglosses without the same semantic shift: stratum 4. a group with special problems in the semantic field of craftsmanship: and stratum 5. name-doublets. The Precursors of Celtic and Germanic 109 isms in the phonological or grammatical system, it would be the obvious thing to hypothesize that Celtic and Germanic formed a subgroup within the Indo- European family. This seems not to be the case.2 A closer scrutiny of the material indeed reveals a much less blurred and much more unambiguous picture of the character of the earliest Celtic-Germanic relations. 3. The material Lists of Celto-Germanicisms have been compiled by Lane (1933), Elston (1934), Krahe (1954), de Vries (1960), Chemodanov (1962). Campanile (1970), and Polome (1983). What follows is a revised and updated synthesis of their material with the addition of new items. The items have been divided into eight categories according to meaning (see §4 below). Within these categories, they have further- more been grouped into (A) lexemes with a specialized meaning or use shared by Celtic and Germanic, (B) formations particular to Celtic and Germanic (although formed from well-known PIE elements), and (C) lexemes whose very roots or root variants are unknown outside Celtic and Germanic:3 Category I A. Unique meaning (I) PCelt. *soiio- 'sorcery' > MW hut, Bret, hud 'magic' - PGmc. *saida- > ON seidr 'magic; spell, charm, enchantment', sida 'work a charm through seidr'. Probably identical to PIE *soi-to- "string, rope', derived from *seh2i- "to bind';4 cf. Lith. saitas "sign, sooth- saying, soothsayer, talisman', but in Baltic also still "string, neck- lace, etc.': cf. Lith. sietas, Latv. saite 'id.' 2 the features mentioned by Schmidt (1991:146-7) are either too weak or too common to count as obv iously shared innovations. 3 Space does not allow a word-by-word treatment of items that 1 have refused to include as true Celto-Germanicisms. A few examples may serve as prototypes: Craig Melchert (p.c.) kindly points out to me that *tegu- "thick* in Olr ting. W tew - OH piece, OHG dicki. ON pykkr "thick' is probabh also attested in Hittite tagu- "thick, swollen' < *togu- (Neu 1995): *luH-s "louse" > W llau 'lice' (< collective *tuua < */u//-e/j_i), Corn, low, Bret, laou "id.", OW leu- esicc "louse-eaten' - ON lis. OE, OHG lus "louse" vs. loch. B luwo. A lu. pi. Iwa 'animal' probabh also forms the basis of Lith. liiile "louse' (where -le is diminutive, cf. brole "brother'); PCelt. *korkio- "oats' (believed by Matasovie 2009 to be of a common substratal origin) corresponds to Shughni sipdjyak "a kind of millet', sepyak "grain of wheat' according to Stalmaszezyk and Witczak (1991-92). Rasmussen (I998) regards PGmc. *landu- "(open) land" as a borrowing from Celtic proper. 4 See Rasmussen 1989:59-60. Adam Hyllested (2) PCelt. *oitos "oath' > Olr. oeth, MW an-udon 'perjury' - PGmc. *aipaz 'oath' -> OE dp, OHG eid. ON eidr, Goth. 'oath", OS men-ep "perjury'; vs. Gk. ouoc, "faith', all from PIE *hi6i-to-s 'walk(ing)', derived from *hlei- "to go', cf. ON ganga eid 'take the oath' (see also Schumacher 2007:176-7).' (3) PIE *kor-io-no- in the epithet of a god: OBrit. tribal name Coriono-tdtae 'people of the army-lord (a god. probably Lugus)' ~ PGmc. *harjanaz > ON Herjann 'lord of the army', epithet of Odin; vs. Gk. Koipctvoc, 'ruler, commander' < *Ko(povo<; (Meid 1991:48-9), (4) A personalized form meaning 'ghost' of PIE *dhrough6s: Olr. air- drech 'phantom'. Mir. aur-fraich "ghost' - ON draugr "ghost' vs. Ved. drogha- 'deceiving". Av. draoga- 'lie' (Mallory and Adams).6 B. Unique morphology (5) PCelt. *runa- > Olr. run 'secret', MW rhin 'spell, enchantment' ~ PGmc. *ru-no- "secret' > OE rim, OS rfma 'whisper: secret; a rune', ON rim "rune; secret". (6) Gaul. (Chamalieres) ande-dion ueduu-mi i praise a god' ~ Goth. in-weitan gup 'to praise God" *ueid- 'see' where ande- semanti- cally corresponds to in- (de Bernardo Stempel 2001 ).s (7) PCelt. *nem-eto- 'sacred grove, sanctuary' > Gaul, veunjov (Vaison), Olr. nemed 'sanctuary' - PGmc. *nemipa- > OS, OLFr. nimidas 'sacred grove'. Sw. Nymden. a farm-name (Sahlgren 1953) vs. Lat. nanus 'sacred grove". Gk. veuxk; 'wooded pasture, glade'. 5 Nicholas /.air (p.e.) points out to me that since no deri\ati\e of ganga in itself means "oath". ganga eid does not in itself suggest that * Hoi-to- is derived from "to go', and a connection with the root of Hitt. had)- "believe' must also be considered (Puhvel 1991:10). However, this does not affect its status as a Celto-Germanicism. 6 Olr -drech may also be identical to drech "vision" < PCelt. *drikd. derived from *drk~ 'to see". 7 Rasmussen's (1987 [1999]:31(1) judgment that "the exact correspondence between Celtic and Germanic probably reflects an ancient borrowing in one direction or the other" is based on an isolated view of this lexeme. Contra Rasmussen's connection with some Greek material, see Vine (2002:2<)6fT.). 8 As she notes. Goth, inweltan lakes the accusative while the Greek original takes the dative, i.e.. chances are that this is not a Greek caique. The Precursors of Celtic and Germanic (8) PCelt. * da una > Mir, duan "poem' - ON tafn 'sacrificial animal' < * dap-no- vs. Lat. daps "sacrificial meal' <- PIE *dap- (Watkins 1976).' (9) PCelt. *'uiro-k'""'u-. gen. -kunos "werewolf > Celtib. (Botorrita 111) uiroku Olr. Ferchu, OW Gurci, OBret. Gurki "(name of a) were- wolf (McCone 1987, 2005:401) ~ Eng. were-wolf, Dan. varulw Ft. loup-garou 'id.', where -garou < Franconian *wur-ulf-. (10) PCelt. *nerto- > Olr. nert "strength, force', OW. MW nerih. Bret. nerz/i, Gaul. PN Nerlo-maros ~ Gmc. *ner-pu- > goddess Nenhus "terra mater', ON Njordr. father of Freyr. Derivatives from PIE *h2ner- 'man; strong' (Meid 1991:15). (II ) PCelt. *ab-anko- 'water creature' > Olr, Mir. abac 'dwarflike crea- ture associated with water', W afanc 'beaver' ~ PGmc. *abd(n) 'monkey, etc' (Schrijver 2004). C. Isolated lexemes (12) PCelt. *udti- > Olr. faith 'prophet', Gaul. oMteic; (pi., Strabo) and *uatu- 'shamanic wisdom' > fath "prophesy', MW gwawd 'ode' - PGmc. *wdd- > ON ddr "poetry; furious', Goth, wops 'furious'. ON (Minn, OE Woden, OHG Wuotan "Odin. Wotarf (Meid 1991:25-6; Watkins 1995:118).10 (13) PCelt. *rTma > Olr. rim, W rhif "number' ~ PGmc. *rlma- > OE rim "number', ON rim 'computation', OHG rim 'account, series, number'. (14) PCelt. *sketlo- > Olr. seel "tale', W chwedl 'saying, fable' ~ PGmc. *skapla- > ON skald 'poet'," (15) PCelt. *gaisto- > Olr. gdes 'cunning, shrewdness', cf. gdeih 'insan- ity; wind' ~ PGmc. *gaisia- '(supernatural) spirit' > OHG geist. OS gist, OS gdst (Meid 1965). (16) PCelt. *klamo- > Olr. clam 'leprous', W ciaf 'diseased' ~ PGmc. *skalmd 'plague, (cow's) disease; evil spirit, crook'. Perhaps both 9 The Celto-Genrianie morphology also differs from Hitt. tappala- "person responsible for court cooking*, if it in fact belongs to the same root. 10 1 assume Lat, votes 'prophet, seer* to be a loan from Celtic. 11 It is no longer necessary to reconstruct a labiovelar for this word to account for -w- in Welsh; cf. Schrijver 1942 and Jorgensen forthcoming. Adam Hvllested from PIE *skolm-eh? 'disease, evil spirit', but the Proto-Celtic vo- calism is not entirely clear; syllabic *-/- preceding *-m would nor- mally y ield *-li-.u (17) PCelt. *skax-slo- 'demon, supernatural being* > Olr. seal 'phan- tom', MW yscawl 'young hero, warrior' ~ PGmc. skoh-sla- > Goth, skohsl 'evil spirit, demon': both from *skdk-sh-. (18) PCelt. *buko- > Mir. boccanach 'goblin'. W bwg 'ghost, hobgob- lin", bwgan 'bogey, ghost', bwgwn 'fright' ~ Fris. bokk, Swab. hoc ke I man, NE bogle, bogey. Category II A. Unique morphology (and meaning) (19) PCelt. *kol-ino- > Ir. cuilenn, W celyn 'holly' - PGmc. *hul-isa- > OE holejn, OHG hu/is, OFr. *huls > Fr. houx 'holly'; vs. OCS *klasii 'ear of grain', Toch. B klese 'barley meal'. Alb. kalli 'straw, chaff, Skt. katamba- 'arrow', all from PIE *kel- 'sharp, prickly'. According to Pliny, the plant was a popular house adornment among Celtic and Germanic peoples. In Germany and Austria, holly is traditionally placed in stables to protect horses from evil spirits.1' (20) *~kuondb-neh: 'Angelica' > Ir. cuinneog "wild angelica, Angelica si/vestris' - PGmc. *hwannd > ON hvgnn 'holy ghost. Angelica archangelica' vs. *'kuendh-ro- with other meanings in Lith. svendras 'reed, reed-mace"; Lat. combretum 'a kind of rush'. An- gelica is an old medicinal herb and was used against evil spirits (Birkhan 1999). B. Isolated lexemes (21) PCelt. *lubT or *luba > Olr. Mb 'wort, plant' ~ OE lybb, OHG luppi 'magic remedy; strong plant-juice; poison; magic". ON lyf 'healing plant", Goth, lubja-leisei "magic; poisoning". Perhaps also 12 If Alb. helm "poison* belongs here, the Celto-Germanic connection is less clear. 13 The holK's connection to both horses and evil spirits may be due to the near-homonymy of PGmc. *marha- m. "horse", "marhjd- "mare", and *mard- f. 'female incubus", let alone their complete homonymy in Scandinavian—cf. the ambiguous names of the holh. Dan. marelorn. mareved. maretidsel. marelok. Nw. marekvist. Sw. markvisl. marlock. martova. Icel. marhrisla, MLG marvlechte. marlock. mahrzopf. Other Germanic names refer to the spirits onlv: Nw. huldrelime. NHG Schratlelbaum. Hexenbesen. Eng. dial, witch's besom. The Precursors of Celtic and Germanic 113 in ON epli dlilyfs "old-age medicine' > epli ellifu 'eleven apples' (in the Eddie lay Skirnismdl; see Polome 1994:142- 3 on the similar role of apples in Germanic and Celtic mythology). Category 111 A. Unique meaning (22) PIE *ster~bhehi "stiffness' in the specialized meaning "death: plague': Olr. us-sarb "death'14 ~ OHG sterbo, OE steorfa 'plague' vs. Gk. 0iep(poc "animal skin, leather", all from *ster- '(be) stiff. B. Unique morphology (23) *(H)6rb''-io- m. "leavings' and * (H)6rb"-io-m n. 'inheritance' > Olr. orbae 'inheritance', Gaul. Orbio- 'id.', Olr. orb(b)e, orpe 'heir; inheritance' ~ Goth, arbja 'heir', arbi 'inheritance', OHG erbi, OE ierfe "id.' vs. *(H)orb''-o- 'orphaned' > Lat. or bus 'de- prived'. Gk. opepavoc 'orphaned', Arm. orb 'orphan', Skt. drbha- 'small; weak; child' (McCone 1999). (24) PIE *kreiH- in *kriH-no- > PCelt. *krino- > Olr. crin "enfeebled by old age, decrepit; withered', OW crin ~ *~kroiH-uo-m > PGmc. *hrahva- n. > Goth. *hraiw in hrahva-dnbo 'turtle dove', ON hrie 'dead body', OE hrcew 'id.', OHG hreo "dead body; grave; funeral; death' vs. the unextended root *"kerh7- 'to break' (Casaretto 2004:164). (25) PCelt. *uer-t- > Olr. ferlae (< *-ia) "burial mound', W gwerthyr 'fort', gh'eryd 'earth, soil; grave' ~ OE weord "yard', weard 'guarding', ON varda, vardi 'milestone', vgrdr 'warden, watch- man, defender; guardian spirit, house spirit, soul of the dead'. C. Isolated lexemes (26) PCelt. *doueno- > Olr. pi. doini, doini 'men', poetic sg. doin, doen 'man'15 ~ PGmc. *dewena- > Goth, diwam 'mortal', cf. the verb OHG touwen. OS doian ON deyja 'die'. 14 Olr -rb- in us-sarb may be from *-ru- instead, cf. marb 'dead' < *m[-uo~s. 15 Historically a suppletive paradigm with the sg. duine from PCelt. *gdonio- "earthling" corre- sponding to Ved. kmmya- "earthly, mortal', cf. Caul. TEVO-XTONION (Vereelli) "of god and men'. Even if Latin junus "funeral procession" is related, the item still constitutes a Celto- Germanicism in terms of semantics and word-formation (cf. Rasmussen 1989:92-3). Adam Hyllested (27) PCelt. *krito- > Olr. criih 'trembling; fever', crith-galar "illness with fever'. W cryd "fear* - PGmc. *hrlda- > OE find m. 'fever', Nw. ri 'sudden illness; short period; hard weather' (Bjorvand and Lindeman 2000:724). (28) PCelt. *trusko- > Olr. trosc "leprous; leper', W trwsgl 'rude; clumsy', Bret, trou.sk 'polyps' - Goth.pruts-fill. OE drust-fell "lep- rosy'. Category IV A. Unique meaning (29) PCelt. *gaiso- 'spear" > Olr. gdi, Gallo-Gk. ymoov, Gallo-Lat. gaesum: Olr. fo-gae, W gw-aew 'javelin' - PGmc. *gai:o- > OE gar, OHG ger, ON geirr 'dart, spear'; from PIE *ghdisos, cf. Gk. Xaloq 'shepherd's crook', Skt. hesas- 'weapon'. (30) PCelt. *<priio- > MW ryd, OCorn. rid 'free' ~ PGmc. *frija- > OE freo. OHG fri, Goth, freis 'free" vs. Ved. priyd- 'dear' (Schumacher 2007:177). (31) PIE *kel- 'strike' used in words for 'battle': PCelt. *kelklko- > Mir. cellach 'contention, strife' ~ OE hild 'war, battle", OHG hiltia, ON hi/dr 'battle' (corresponding to the ethnonym Celiac). (32) PCelt. *trex-so- > Olr. tress 'battle' and *trex-s-no- > Olr. tren 'brave, strong', comp. sup. tressa. tressam ~ PGmc. *f>rak-ja- > OE prece 'force, oppression', OS wapan-threki 'ability with arms'. ON prekr 'strength, bravery'. (33) PCelt. *kagro- 'enclosure, fort' > W caer, MBret. ker: and *kagio- 'pen. enclosure' > MW cue 'fence', OBret. caiou pi. 'fortification, bulwark' ~ PGmc. *hagan- 'enclosure, fence' > ON hagi "pasture with a fence'. OE haga, OHG hac 'hedge' and *hagjo- > OE hecg 'hedge'. B. Unique morphology (34) PCelt. *drungo- > Ir. drong "troop". MW dratm 'multitude', Gallo- Lat. (Vegetius) drungos 'groups of enemies' ~ PGmc. *druhta- > OE dryhl 'companion', OHG truht 'troop', ON drott 'company, following", Goth, driugan 'to serve as a soldier" vs. OCS drugit "friend, other', Lith. draugas 'friend'. The Precursors of Celtic and Germanic 115 (35) PCelt. *uik- "tight' > Ir. fichim 'fight', fecht •military expedition'. OW guith 'battlefront" ~ Goth, weihan. OE, OHG wihan 'fight". ON vega 'kill, fight' vs. Lat. vinco 'conquer', Lith. veikti 'make, work'.16 (36) PCelt. *kauno- "harbor" > Mir. cuan PGmc. *haf-na-; original!) 'enclosure, shelter (for vessels)'. (37) PCelt. *baduo- - *boduo- > Olr. Badb "name of the slaughter god- dess',17 Early Ir. badb 'crow, demon, witch', Nlr. badhbh 'vulture; hoodie crow; fairy; scold", Gaulish deity Catii-bodaa ~ PGmc. *badu- ~ *badwa- > OHG Batu- 'slaughter; battle' (in names), OE beadu 'battle', ON bod, bpdvar 'war' vs. Lut.fodio, Hitt. paddd- - padd- 'dig (the ground), bury', Toch. A pat- 'plough', OCS body 'to stab", bedii 'to stick, to dig'. (38) PCelt. *niiu- > Olr. nith 'battle, distress', Gaul. PN Nilio-broges, Nitio-genna - PGmc. *mpa- > Goth, neip 'envy, enmity', OE nI/>, OHG riid 'battle-rage, hate, envy", ON nid 'libel'. (39) PCelt. *magu- > Ogham magu 'slave', W meu-dwy "hermit (< 'servant of God')", MBret. m(a)oues 'girl' ~ Goth, magus 'boy'. ON mggr 'son; youth", OE magu "child; son; man". C. Isolated lexemes (40) PCelt. *nanti- > Olr. neit "battle, combat", Neil "god of battle, hus- band of the war-goddess Nemain or Badb' ~ PGmc. *nanpjana- > OE nepan, OHG gi-nenden, ON nenna, Goth, ana-nanpjan "to dare'. (41) PCelt. *poiko- > Olr. oech 'enemy' - PGmc. *faiha- ~ *faiga- > OE fdh,Jdg 'guilty; outlawed; hostile", NE foe, OHG fehida "hate, enmity', Goth, fciih 'deceit'. 16 Brent Vine (p.c.) points out to me that while the nasal present in Lat. vinco appears (predicta- bly) beside an old root aorist in perf. vici. in theory (despite l.fl'2 670-1) the Celtic and Germanic presents could also be derived from the old root aorist (e.g.. root aorist subjunctive —>• thematic present is well-attested). In that case, the Germanic and Celtic material might be closet} related, morphologically, to the old aorist (as in Latin), and since the Latin semantics are quite similar to the one shared by Celtic and Germanic. onl> the development into a the- matic present would then point to a Celto-Germanicism. 17 Remarkably. Badb is the sister of Maeha. married to Nemed, and of Mor-rigain: of these four names, the first three are all Celto-Germanicisms, while cognates of Mar- are also found In Slavic. Adam HvNested (42) PCelt. *slak- "strike' > Mir, slactha 'struck (ptc.)\ slacc 'sword', Gael, slachdaim 'strikes with a hammer' ~ PGmc. *slahana- > Goth.. OHG slahan, ON sld, OE slean 'slay'. (43) W Host. Bret, lost 'spear'. Ir. loss 'end, tail* ~ ON l/as/r 'fish- spear'. Dan. lyster 'eel-spear', ljdsta 'strike*. (44) PCelt. *milg- "conceal* > Olr. for-muigthe, for-muichthui 'smoth- ered, concealed' ~ PGmc. *muk- > OHG muhhen 'lie in ambush for', NHG Meuchler "assassin", ME micher 'thief. Eng. dial, milch 'hide (oneself)*. (45) Olr. bdgaid 'fight, boast', bag 'battle', W beio 'blame*. Gaul. Bagaudae, probably 'the fighters', name of Gallic peasants who rebelled under Diocletian ~ PGmc. *beg- > OHG bagen 'quarrel, light', ON bcegjast 'quarrel, strive'.18 (46) PCelt. *gwelti- 'madman, lunatic' > Mir. geilt 'panic-stricken fugi- tive from battle", W gwyllt "wild, savage, mad' ~ Goth, wilpeis, OE wilde, OHG wildi, ON vi/dr 'wild*. (47) PCelt. *ueidu- 'wild' > Olr. fiad 'wild animals', fian 'troop of young warriors", MW gwydd 'wild', gwyddel 'a Gael. Irishman' - PGmc. *wajdaz > OE wad "hunt". (48) PCelt. *boudi- "victory" > Olr. bimid 'victory', W buddig 'victori- ous' ~ ON bi'ta 'exchange, divide*. MLG bille 'booty*,19 all from *b'<6udhi-. (49) PCelt. *fleid-o- 'succeed* > W llwyddaf ~ PGmc. *fJitana- > OE flJian, OHG fllzan 'attempt, try hard*. (50) PCelt. *geisllo- 'hostage' > Ir. giall. W gwystl 'hostage", Bret. gouestl 'vow; promise', Gaul. PN Con-geisihis ~ PGmc. *gfs/o- > OHG gisaL NHG GeiseL OE giscL ON gisl 'hostage'. (51) PCelt. *duno- 'fortification, rampart* ""> Ir. dun, W din, Gaul. -dunum in place-names ~ ON and OE tun 'hedged or fenced lot, enclosure': OHG ziin 'enclosure, hedge'/" 18 Even if Latv. buozties "be annoyed" belongs here (£/P 68. s.v. *b''eh,g''-). Celtic and Germanic still share a common semantics. 19 NK booty is a borrowing from Scandinavian. 20 Even if these words are derived from a PIE root *dhei}hr 'he finished, come full circle" (Waikins 1991:453). the derivative and its meaning are specific to Celtic and Germanic. The Precursors of Celtic and Germanic 117 (52) Ir. cli'ab ""shield (of wicker-work)' > "basket; wicker frame of a boat; chest' - ON /?///'"shield, protection', OHG lipen, tlppen "pro- tect', Goth, hteibjan "take the part of. (53) Nlr. tailm, Bret, talm "sling', W telm "snare, trap' ~ ON pjalmi "sort of snare'. The ON consonantism seems to indicate common heritage. Category V A. Unique meaning (54) PCelt. *brus-na- > Olr. bronnaim 'injure, damage', *brus-o- > W briw, Corn, brew "wound' ~ PGmc. */>/•»•>- > OE brysan "bruise', OHG brosma 'crumb' vs. Lat. frustum 'fragment'. (55) PCelt. *kaiko- 'having an eye defect' > Olr. cdech, OCom. cuic 'one-eyed', W coeg-ddall 'half-blind' ~ Goth, hdihs 'one-eyed'; vs. Lat. caecus 'blind'. The Celtic god Lug closes one eye in his magic ritual, while in Germanic mythology Odin is one-eyed (Polome 1994:145). (56) PCelt. *knida- > Olr. cried 'a wound' - PGmc. *hnllana- > ON hnita 'wound to death', OE, OS hnltan 'thrust, stab'; vs. Gk. kvil/o 'to scratch'. B. Unique morphology (57) PCelt. *agIo- 'wound, affliction' > Olr. ail insult', Mir. *dlad 'wound', MW aeled 'pain; grief ~ PGmc. *agla- > OE egle 'dis- agreeable, loathsome', Goth, agls 'shameful', aglipa, agio "afflic- tion' vs. Av. aya- 'bad, evil', Skt. aghd- 'bad', aghrct- 'evil, distress', aghald- 'terrible', all from PIE *agh- or possibly *h2eg1'-. (58) PCelt. *g"en-i- 'wound' > Olr. guin 'wound, injury' ~ PGmc. * banjo- > Goth, banja 'strike, wound', ON ben, OE ben(n) 'id.', OS beni-wunda 'wound' vs. PGmc. *ban-an- 'murder' in OE bana. Da. bane-sdr 'deadly wound' < *gwhen- 'to kill'. (59) PCelt. *koldo- > Olr. coll "destruction', W ar-choll 'wound' ~ PGmc. * halt a- > Goth, halts, OE healt Tame'. (60) PCelt. *krenx-tu- > Olr. crecht 'wound', W creithen "scar', Bret. creizenn 'id.' - PGmc. *skranh-a- > ON skrd 'scroll'. 118 Adam Hyllested C. Isolated lexemes (61) Olr, gonaid 'wounds; slays", W gwatm 'pierce, thrust, stab", ym- wan 'joust, tilt', ymwamvr "combatant* - PGmc. *wunda- > Goth. wimds, OE wund, OHG uunda. ON und 'wound*. (62) PCelt. *snud-o- > Mir. snaidid 'to cut; to scratch', W neddyf'axe' - OHG snatta 'wound; scar; bruise', ON strata 'spear'. (63) PCelt. *saitro- > Olr. sacthar 'work, labour' and *saitu- > Olr. saeth "trouble*, MW hoed 'pain* - PGmc. *sai-ra- > OE sdrig 'sorry', OHG sero 'painfully; in a difficult way', ON sarr 'pain- ful', sdr 'wound'.21 Category VI A. Unique meaning (64) PIE *kad- in derivatives with the meaning 'hatred*: PCelt. *kad-si-, *kddo- > Mir. caiss, W cawdd. Bret, cas 'hatred' ~ PGmc. *hatiz- > Goth, hatis. OE hele, OHG haz 'hatred", ON hair 'hatred; perse- cution* vs. Av. sadra-, Gk. KfjSoc, 'sorrow; pain; misery', Osc. gen.sg. cadeis 'hostility' (cf. also Birkhan 1967, Riibekeil 2001). B. Unique morphology (65) A secondary thematic derivative *h2np-el-o- 'evil' > Olr. fel 'evil* ~ PGmc. *ubila- 'evil' > Goth, uhils, OE yfel, OHG uhil vs. Hitt. hirwapzi 'ill-treats, despoils*. Toch. A umpar 'bad', all from PIE *h2uep- 'treat badly* (cf. Hyllested and Cohen 2007:16). (66) PCelt. *kloino- > Olr. cloen 'crooked: unfair; evil' ~ PGmc. *hlaina- 'hill' > Goth. Main 'hill', Nw. dial, hlein 'steep slope*, both with *-no- from PIE *klei(H)- 'to lean', cf. Ved. srdyati. Lith. slieii "id.', slainiis "slanting*. C. Isolated lexemes (67) PCelt. *loktu _> Olr. lot-lit 'fault, blame; mistake' ~ PGmc. *lahana- > OE lean. OHG la/tan. ON Id 'to blame". 21 Even if" Eat. saevus 'wild, ferocious' and Hitt. soi- 'be sullen, angry* are related (see on the latter Kioekhorst 2008:692 -3). the Celtic and Germanic items fomi a semantic entity. The Precursors of Celtic and Germanic 'alegory VII A. Unique meaning (68) PCelt. *reid-o- "ride; riding; chariot' > Gaul, reiki "travelling- carriage with four wheels', Olr. riadaim "ride (in vehicle)', Ir. de- riad 'team of two horses', W rhwyddau 'facilitate, speed' ~ ON rt'da, OE ridan, OHG man 'to ride'; ON reid "riding; horse-riding band; wagon' vs. fan. raidit "send quickly; hunt'. B. Unique morphology (69) Compounds with *h,ekuo- "horse' and *reid''-: Gaul. PN Epo-reda- nx - OE eo-red, OS eo-rid-folc "cavalry', ON PN Jd-reidr. (70) /-stem adjectives meaning "easy", "ready' derived from *reidh- via 'driving' or 'ready to go': PCelt. *redi- > Olr. reid 'simple, easy, flat*, W rhuidd, OBret. met 'easy, quick' ~ OHG bi-reiti 'ready', N E ready. (71) PCelt. *axsild > W echel, MBret. ahel 'axis' ~ PGmc, *ahsidaz > ON qxuII 'axis' vs. formations without *-lo- in Lat. axis, Lith. ash "id.'. (72) PCelt. *uegno- > Olr. fen, W gwain, Gaul, co-vinnus "wagon' ~ PGmc. *\vagna- > ON vagn, OHG wagan "wagon' vs. other forma- tions in Skt. vcihana-, Lat. vehiculum 'id.'. (73) PIE *sent- 'to travel' in nominal formations meaning 'road; reti- nue'; PCelt. *sentu- 'path' > Oir. set, MW hynt 'path', epynt 'horseroad' ~ PGmc. *sinpa- and *gasinpja- "retinue' > OHG 67- sindi 'war retinue'. C. isolated lexemes (74) PCelt. *marko- 'horse' > Mir. marc, W march, Bret, marc 'h, Gaul, (acc.sg.) iidpKav 'horse', Marco- in place-names ~ OHG mar(a)h, OE mearh, ON /norr "id.'. (75) PCelt. *drux-to- > Mir. drochta 'tub, vessel' ~ PGmc. *trugaz > OE, ON »-og, OHG /roc "trough". (76) PCelt. *kanx-s-ika- > W caseg, Bret, kazeg 'mare*, not formally identical to PGmc. *hanghta- ~ *hanhisia- "horse, stallion, etc.* (Jorgensen 2006), but their similarity can hardly be coincidental in 120 Adam Hyllested the light of other equestrian commonalities: cf. also that PCelt. *keng-o- 'to tread, step, walk' is irregular in the first place. (77) PCelt. *mongo- 'mane' > Mir. mong, W mwng 'id.' ~ ON makki 'upper part of a horse's neck', Dan. manke "mane': cf. also ON man, OE manu 'mane'. (78) PCelt. *doklo- > Olr. dual 'strand, lock (of hair)* ~ PGmc. *tagla- > ON tag/, Dan. lavl 'hair of a horse's tail*. OE Icegl 'tail'. Goth. tag/ 'a hair'. Category I'll I A. Unique meaning (79) PCelt. *rddT- > Olr. rddim 'to say. to speak', MW ad-raud 'to tell' - PGmc. *rddiana- > Goth, rodjan, ON reida 'to speak'. B. Unique morphology (80) PCelt. *bana-tlo- > W banadl, MBret. balazn, banazl 'broom' - OE bdnian "polish". OS bdnen "scrub, polish", both from < *hheh:- n- ~ *bha2n- vs. Gk. cpatvo) 'shine'. Arm. hanam 'open, reveal' (Ol- sen 1988:26). (81) PCelt. *gablo-, *gubla- > Olr. gabul. Nlr. gabhal. W gafl 'fork' - PGmc. *gaba/6- > OHG gabala, OE geafol 'id.'. (82) PCelt. *<pldro- 'floor' > Olr. Idr 'ground, surface; middle", W llawr 'floor'. Bret, /cur 'id.' ~ PGmc. *j/oruz > Olr. florr 'floor of a cow stall", OE flor vs. Eat. planus 'flat". (83) PCelt. *sltla- > Mir. sithlad 'sieving'. W hidl. MBret. sizl 'sieve" - PGmc. *sepla- > ON said 'sieve', Fi. (< Gmc.) siekla. sett/a 'id.' all from *sehLi-tl<>-, *sihrdo- vs. *seh/i-to-. *sihrto in Lith. setas. CS sito. (84) PCelt. *ipatima-, *watamt- > Gael, aitheamh. W edafedd 'yarn; thread" - PGmc. *fapmaz > OHG fad it m. OE fcedm, ON fadmr 'spread arms, embrace: thread* (Hamp 2008)."" (85) PCelt. *iexti- > Ir. icht 'tribe*, W icith "language; nation*. MBret. yez 'language* ~ PGmc. *jehti- > OHG jiht 'utterance* (cf. jehan 'to speak") vs. Lith. juokas, Lat. iocus 'jest". 22 Hamp includes Alb. pe. pi. pen] 'thread", but Celtic and Gernianic still agree both on o-grade and semantics. The Precursors of Celtic and Germanic 121 (86) PCelt. *rextus > Olr. recht "law, justice', MW kyf-reith "id." - PGmc, *rehtu~ > ON rettr "justice, law' < *h3reg-tu- with a shared, unpredictable meaning (Schumacher 2007:177), (87) PCelt. *roinu- ^ Olr. roen "road; mountain range': Bret, run "hill" - PGmc. *raina- > ON -rein "strip of land' (in compounds). OHG rein "ridge of earth as boundarv mark*. C. Isolated lexemes (88) *suek- > W chweg, Bret, c'honek "sweet, pleasant (of taste)', W chwueth "taste' ~ OE swecc, swuecc 'taste, (pleasant) smell', OHG swehhan "to smell (bad)'. (89) *sueng- "to bend' in PCelt. *sweng<>- "slender' > Mir. seng, Gaul. PN Singi-ditnum ~ OE swancor, MHG, MLG swanc "slender', Dan. svang "arch of foot' vs. *sueg- and *suenk- in other forma- tions and languages (JEW 1047). (90) *suem- > Olr. to-seinn 'hunts; follows' ~ OHG, OE swimman, ON svimlmia 'to swim', Goth, swumffjsl 'lake' < *$\vum-sla- (Bjorvand and Lindeman 2000:893 5, but they reject the connec- tion; Casaretto 2004:408). (91) PCelt. *grando-, *grendo- 'beard' > Mir. grend: MW grann "beard; chin: cheek', Provencal gren 'moustache' (< Gaul.) ~ PGmc. *grand- f. > OE granu "moustache', OHG gruna 'hair of the beard', ON grgn, Goth, granu 'hair of the beard; spruce (nee- dle)'. (92) PCelt. *iind-o/u' 'drinkable water' (cf. Matasovic 2009:240) > Olr. lind 'liquid', W llyn (m./f.) 'drink', (m.) 'lake' ~ Icel. iind 'spring, fountain', MHG liinde 'wave'. (93) PCelt. *gldiw- > MW glo 'charcoal' and PCelt. *goulo- (dissimi- lated from *gluu-lo-r!) > Mir. glial2' - PGmc. *kula-, *kulun- "charcoal* > ON kol(pl), OE col, OHG kola, (94) PCelt. *druxtu- (< *drup-tu-) > Olr. driicht 'dew, a drop' ~ PGmc. *drupa- > ON dropi, OE dropa, OHG tropfo "drop'. (95) PCelt. *kaito- 'wood' > OW coil, OCorn, cuit, MBret. coat "forest, wood", Gaul. PN Kauoppic Ceio-briga, Eto-cetum ~ PGmc. 23 Even if PCelt. *goulo- and the Germanic forms are related to Ski. jvaluti "burns* and Toch. B ,w/i>v "hearth". Celtic and Germanic still share a specialized meaning. Adam Hyllested *haipja- > Goth, halpi 'field, heath', NHG Heis-ter "small tree or bush', ON heidr 'heath, moor'. (96) *gan(dh)-no- in Mir. gann 'vessel, jug, pitcher* ~ PGmc. *kanno f. > ON karma, OE catme, OHG channa "can. jug'. 4. Revision of semantic areas and their implications Our revised list may be said to fall into the following categories: (1)^(18): cosmology, spirits, supernatural creatures (I9M21) (22H28) (29M53) (54M63) (64M67) (68H78) (79M96): medicinal herbs or plants connected to popular beliefs sickness and death battle and warfare, fortifications, weaponry words for 'wound', 'damage' hostility equestrian terminology words belonging to other parts of the vocabulary Or. in a boiled-down version (excluding (79)-{96)): (a) religion and healing ((1)^(28)) (b) warfare and equestrian terminology ((29M7S)) Quite a few of the lexemes in question can be placed in either category. Re- markably, as many as nine words for 'wound1 turn out to be Celto-Germanicisms in one way or another. Only one-fifth of the lexemes fall outside the two main categories, and, with a couple of exceptions, even these are typical culture-words. Such a distribution militates against the possibility of a Celto-Germanic genetic subgroup (pace Mansion 1912) and, obviously, the existence of Italo-Celtic need not be refuted on this basis. Note also that the list of Northwest IE innovations compiled by Oettinger (2003) contains not a single Celto-Germanicism, Instead, the situation presented here seems to reflect contacts between speakers of the IE dialects that later evolved into Proto-Celtic and Proto-Germanic. Religion and warfare seem to have been of particular concern. Linking reconstructed prehistoric languages to archaeological findings is al- ways risky business, but we may tentatively fix this cultural unity in time and space in Eastern Central Europe around 2000 BCE, when the pre-Celtic Unetice culture in the present-day Czech Republic bordered late, possibly pre-Germanic. The Precursors of Celtic and Germanic 123 varieties of the Corded Ware culture.24 This scenario is at least partly compatible with conclusions reached by Kristiansen and Larsson 2005 and Kristiansen 2009: they envisage contacts between Pre-Germanic peoples and Pre-Celts immigrating from the South, spreading out over Western Europe 2500-2000 BCE, not least by means of warfare and horses, until more hierarchical societies arise in the second millennium BCE. 5. A Fennic connection? Most of the items in question look old and probably represent regional IE innova- tions, while others may have been taken over from the same third source. Inter- estingly, some of them seem to be shared with Balto-Fennic languages, suggesting a larger cultural continuum stretching further to the north. Particularly intriguing are Fi. hepo. hevonetu Est. hobune 'horse', Fi. rat.su 'riding-horse' and kavio 'hoof (dial, kapju) since they all look Indo-European, but at the same time do not show the regular sound substitutions displayed by any attested Indo- European branch. Fi. hippo 'lichen' is inherited from Proto-Uralic, so if it is con- nected to item (21), it must have been borrowed from Fennic into Celtic and Germanic. If Balto-Fennic belongs to this cultural continuum, the question arises whether lexical exchange has taken place directly between Late Proto-Fennic and Pre-Proto-Celtic. or whether Pre-Proto-Germanic was always the provider: PCelt. *sanesto- 'secret advice' (Matasovic 2009:322) is suspiciously reminiscent of Fi. scmasto 'list of words' (synchronically analyzable as sana 'word' + collective -sto). Compare the semantics of PCelt. *runo- and PGmc. *rfma- (item (4) above), which in itself must be identical to Fi. runo 'song, poem'. The vowel in runo is unexpectedly short, i.e., it does not behave as loanwords from Proto- Germanic normally do and may have been borrowed at an earlier stage. Nlr. Ion, pi. lointe (> NE lunch) could represent Late Proto-Fennic *louna "southwest; noon; lunch' (Fi. lounas), which is derived from Proto-Uralic *iuwe "south'. Note that this word is already known to have been borrowed into Baltic (Latv. launags 'lunch', Lith. Idunagas "dinner'). Fi. maa 'land' and its Balto-Fennic cognates go back to Proto-Uralic *maye, reminiscent both in form and semantics of PCelt. *magos "plain, open field' > Olr. mag 'plain', W ma 'place', Gaul. PN (Arganto-)magus (cf. Schrijver 2001:423). Fi. tuoni "dead' < Late Proto-Fennic *tone could formally reflect Proto-Celtic *Joneno- (item (26)). Fi. kalma 'grave; 24 Unetiee bodies are typically buried with jugs -meaning that *ganiJ''i- too (item (96)) could justifiably be categorized as belonging to the religious vocabulary. 124 Adam Hyllested disease. Death-goddess, guardian of the abode of the dead' could belong with PCelt. *klamo- 'grave' (item (16)). For the same concept, PGmc. *haljo- f. can be reconstructed (cf.. e.g., ON Hel 'death goddess*). It is most often seen as reflecting PIE *kol-ieh_\ derived from *kel- 'to cover, conceal'. However, if Fi. Koljo 'name of a giant' is a Germanic loan {JEW 553-4), the Finnish vocal ism constitutes a problem—why is PGmc. *-a- replaced with -o-? Moreover, a Proto-Finno-Ugric form *kolja can be reconstructed also on the basis of Komi kul' 'water spirit' and Mansi (Pelym dial.) kui-najdr 'master of the netherworld, devil'. This word is internally analyz- able as a participial form or agent noun derivative consisting of the Proto-Uralic verbal root *kole- 'to die' and the agent-marker -ja with root-final -e regularly being dropped when a suffix is added.' Formally, nothing speaks against this word being a borrowing in the reverse direction, from Proto-Fennic into Pre- Proto-Germanic, i.e., at a stage before the Germanic sound shift and the devel- opment of *o > *a. Conclusions An analysis of the Northwest Indo-European lexical material shared only by Celtic and Germanic is suggestive of the following scenario: the precursors of Celtic and Germanic evolved from different Indo-European dialect groups. Shortly after their migrations into Europe they came to form part of a cultural community, possibly influenced by indigenous populations or migrators from elsewhere. This had a significant impact on specific parts of the vocabulary, no- tably terms for religion and warfare. New derivatives were formed on the basis of Indo-European material, while some of the old ones were preserved in this area only. Some shared loanwords can be traced back to Late Proto-Fennic. spoken in their northern vicinity. There are even indications that Late Proto-Fennic may have been in direct contact with Pre-Proto-Celtic, not always with Pre-Proto- Germanic as the provider. Celtic and Germanic peoples continued to influence each other, linguistically and in other respects, as they gradually developed the characteristics by which we define them. 25 For a -.lightly different analysis of the Uraiic word sec Katz 2003:183. The Precursors of Celtic and Germanic 125 References Anreiter, Peter, and Erzsebet Jerem (eds.) 1999. Studio Celtic a et Indogermanica: Fest- schrift fur Wolfgang Me id zuin 70. Geburtstag. Budapest: Archaeolingua. de Bernardo Stempel, Patrizia. 2001. Gotisch INWElTlp gup und gallisch ANDE-dion CEDlk-tm (Chamalieres, Z.l). HS 114.164 70. Birkhan, Helmut. 1967. Das gallische Namenelement *cassi- und die germanisch- keltische Kontaktzone. In Wolfgang Meid (ed.), Beitrdge zur Indogermunistik und Keltologie, 115-45. 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